America s Exceptional Fiscal Conservatism

Is Neo Conservatism Dead?

I've coined a phrase obstructive conservatism.

But then an unwelcome thing happened. Obama ran right into a perfect storm of the worst aspects of American democracy red state provincialism and ignorance, fearful conservatism, Republican Party obstructionism and even some Democratic Party dissidence.

Set up to protect the weak against the strong, labor unions had become, by the 1970 s, enemies of economic progress, a massive force of social conservatism. It was right to encourage a new economy to grow outside these congealed structures.

Finally, the Saudis turn out to be strong supporters of democracy, once again contradicting a popular image of Saudi conservatism. Of the Saudis polled, 58 considered democracy the best form of government, 23 disagreed, and 18 did not express an opinion.

The center of fiscal conservatism is Germany, while Anglo Saxon countries are still drawn to John Maynard Keynes. This division is complicating matters enormously, because close international cooperation is needed to correct the global imbalances that remain at the root of the crisis.

They argue that if the AKP comes to control the presidency, it may no longer pursue moderate policies. Secularists point with concern to other AKP, such as Speaker of the Parliament Bulent Arinc, who are noted for their pronounced religious and social conservatism.

The inherent contradiction between a governance structure incapable of change and economic modernization, between cultural and religious conservatism and social and normative transformation, will therefore increase and bring about new, additional frictions if positive answers to these fundamental changes cannot be found.

Ferguson s cause is American neo conservatism, coupled with a relentless aversion to Keynes and Keynesians. His latest defense of fiscal austerity came immediately after the United Kingdom s recent election, when he wrote in the Financial Times that, Labour should blame Keynes for their defeat.

But Bush, following the terrorist attacks of 2001, turned his back on conservatism. He sought to radically reinvent the Middle East, not only by overthrowing the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and Saddam Hussein s regime in Iraq, but also through his strident calls for democratization.

At the same time, Europe seems incapable of upholding the social contract that underpinned its post war economic boom. The continent s most successful economy, Germany, insists that its partners follow its brand of fiscal conservatism, choking off the growth that would make painful reforms easier to implement.

In his 2000 presidential bid, George W. Bush famously promised compassionate conservatism and a humble foreign policy, but governed very differently, as when he decided to invade Iraq. Likewise, Woodrow Wilson and Lyndon Johnson campaigned on promises of peace, but each took America to war shortly after being elected.

The two men met, seemingly as equals, not to express the common values of conservatism, but to confirm and promote their authority to uphold traditional values. Both agreed that reform must be slow, cautious and that it must never undermine established institutions, especially religion and the patriarchal family.

What emerged was neither traditional fiscal conservatism nor Democratic policies without Democrats nor starve the beast populism, but something that has no name. An exchange between two characters in a scene from the movie Apocalypse Now captures an anti ethic that characterizes the Bush administration s policies as well

Neo conservatism thus cannot be reduced to advocacy of the free market or right wing populism, since its ideological specificity consists in the fusion of these contradictory outlooks. The question was how to package elites interest in free market capitalism with the provincial temperament of a parochial constituency.

Saudi Arabia, a self proclaimed bulwark of Islamic conservatism, where popular democracy has never been considered a legitimate form of rule, has been more aggressive in some arenas than in others. Domestically, the royal family struck quickly, adopting a ban on public demonstrations and acts of civil disobedience.

The main thrust of early conservatism was root and branch opposition to every form of social insurance make the poor richer, and they would become more fertile. As a result, farm sizes would drop (as land was divided among ever more children), labor productivity would fall, and the poor would become even poorer.

That strategy s popular appeal will not end with the Bush administration, because neo conservatism feeds on a set of public fears that are deeply rooted in American history. Changing that will require not merely confronting a new ideological outlook, but also deciding which policies reflect what is best about the American political tradition.

But, beyond these mental habits lie more structural reasons for the conservatism of foreign policymakers and diplomats. By emphasizing the relations between states and governments over contacts with the opposition or civil societies (when they exist in an identifiable form), traditional diplomacy has created for itself a handicap that is difficult to overcome.

Ambitious young pols like Florida Senator Marco Rubio and Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker currently are viewed as Bush s strongest rivals, but both will be facing increased scrutiny and testing. Rand Paul enjoyed a period of buzz, but that seems to have faded, as his dovish brand of libertarianism clashes with a party that leans toward social conservatism and interventionism abroad.

Neo conservatism has served as a badge of unity for those in the Bush administration advocating an aggressive foreign policy, massive military spending, disdain for international law and institutions, an assault on the welfare state, and a return to traditional values. So, with the Bush era winding down in a tailspin of plummeting popularity and high level resignations, has the neo conservative movement, too, run its course?

But Salafism is also a powerful source of personal identity, shaped and reinforced by a common form of dress and style of beard, a high degree of social conservatism, and a generally negative (but nuanced) perception of liberal individualism. I raise my head high as I am an Egyptian, and I raise my head even higher as I am a Salafi, an assistant of a leading Salafi sheikh proudly told me.

BERKELEY On the back left corner of my desk right now are three recent books Arthur Brooks The Battle, Charles Murray s Coming Apart, and Nicholas Eberstadt s A Nation of Takers. Together, they constitute an important intellectual movement, which also happens to be a large part of the reason that American conservatism today has little that is constructive to say about managing the economy and little purchase on the center of the American electorate.